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TitleA Search for the Origins of Judaism
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Table of Contents
                            Contents
Introduction to the English Edition
Abbreviations
Chapter 1 FROM CYRUS TO THE MISHNAH: SOME PROBLEMS
	1. Cyrus and Darius
	2. Nehemiah and Ezra
	3. Alexander, Jerusalem and the Samaritans
	4. From Alexander to Antiochus IV Epiphanes
	5. Pharisees and Sadducees
	6. Rabbinic Tradition and Galilee
	7. Conclusion: Outline of a Method
Chapter 2 THE SABBATH AND WAR
	1. The Sabbath and the City
	2. Jerusalem or Babylon?
	3. Rabbinic Sources: Holy War
	4. Rabbinic Sources: The Sabbath and War
	5. Conclusions
Chapter 3 THE SABBATH IN THE BIBLE
	1. The Sabbath: Full Moon or Saturday?
	2. The Sabbath and the Decalogue
	3. Seventh Day, Seventh Year
	4. Closing Remarks
Chapter 4 THE SAMARITANS AND SHECHEM
	1. The Elusive Samaritans
	2. Josephus and the Samaritans
	3. Alexander and Gerizim
	4. Alexander at Jerusalem
	5. Antiochus IV and the 'Sidonians'
	6. Sidonians of Shechem
	7. Conclusions
Chapter 5 ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE SAMARITANS
	1. Assyrian Colonists in Samaria
	2. Aaron and Bethel
	3. Shechem and Bethel
	4. Samaritan Pentateuch
	5. More on the Letter of Aristeas
	6. Conclusion: Chronologies and Hypotheses
	7. Excursus 1: Samaritan Chronicles
Chapter 6 THE MACCABAEAN CRISIS
	1. A Many-Sided Conflict
	2. Jerusalem: Autonomous City or Centre of the Jews?
	3. Hellenization
	4. Divisions in Jerusalem and Judaea
	5. Mattathias and Judas
	6. Zadokites, Hasmonaeans and Sadducees
	7. Sparta or Scripture? Onias or Mattathias?
	8. Conclusion: Samaritans, Jews and Priests
Chapter 7 SIMON THE JUST, HILLEL, THE MISHNAH
	1. Chronological Framework
	2. The 'Great Assembly' and Simon the Just
	3. The Oral Tradition
	4. Hillel the Elder and the Passover
	5. Jewish Galilee
	6. The 'People of the Land'
	7. Conclusions
Chapter 8 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
	1. The Chronicler and the 'Compiler'
	2. Zerubbabel and the Proclamation of Cyrus
	3. Zerubbabel and Darius
	4. Nehemiah
	5. Ezra
	6. Conclusions
	7. Excursus 2: Nehemiah, Judas and the Dedication
Chapter 9 CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVES
	1. Summary of the Search
	2. Perspectives
Bibliography
Index of References
Index of Authors
	A
	B
	C
	D
	E
	F
	G
	H
	I
	J
	K
	L
	M
	N
	O
	P
	R
	S
	T
	U
	V
	W
	X
	Y
	Z
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 2

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
SUPPLEMENT SERIES

248

Editors
David J.A. Clines
Philip R. Davies

Executive Editor
John Jarick

Editorial Board
Robert P. Carroll, Richard J. Coggins, Alan Cooper, J. Cheryl Exum,

John Goldingay, Robert P. Gordon, Norman K. Gottwald,
Andrew D.H. Mayes, Carol Meyers, Patrick D. Miller

Sheffield Academic Press

Page 212

6. The Maccabaean Crisis 211

(cf. Dan. 11.30), which he did full of spite. The redactional effect deforms
the historical source, which explains on the one hand why Antiochus
would be presented as a demented person, since he no longer followed
the logic of greed, and on the other hand why another account of a
massacre (5.23-27) would be connected to that madness. It explains too
the strange episode in which Jason attempted to retake the city from
Menelaus, without any real success, except that Antiochus, disturbed by
it, arrived. But his pillaging in the time of Menelaus (5.15) is only a con-
tinuation or a development of the indication about the power acquired
by Menelaus in 4.50, in which he established himself 'as the chief enemy
of his compatriots'. In this way, and taking into account the information
provided by Josephus, the succession of 'renegades' appears more clear-
ly, against the background of Antiochus's financial needs and Egyptian
difficulties: there is a superimposition of a political problem and an issue
of Hellenization, at first haphazard, then institutional.

3. The heroic reconquest by Judas 25th Kislev 164 BCE is itself
strangely isolated, since on the one hand, according to the letter pre-
served in 2 Mace. 11.27-33, Antiochus had brought his persecution of
the Jews to an end six months earlier, 15th Xanthicus of the one hun-
dred and forty-eighth Seleucid year, and on the other hand the real
restoration of the sanctuary, at least in the Hasmonaean sense, only took
place 12 years later, with the arrival of Jonathan in 152, after the high
priesthoods of Menelaus and then Alcimus (162-159), another represen-
tative of the opposing camp, followed by a phase of abandonment of
cult. As far as dates are concerned, the death of Antiochus IV is dated in
the one hundred and forty-ninth Seleucid year according to 1 Mace.
6.16, but a Babylonian tablet15 has shown that news of it had reached
Babylon in Kislev 148 (December 164), that is around the time of the
Dedication, or rather a little before.16 This concomitance is certainly

15. A.J. Sachs and D.J. Wiseman, 'A Babylonian King List of the Hellenistic
Period', Iraq 16 (1954), pp. 202-212 (British Museum Tablet 35 603).

16. Goldstein, 7 Maccabees, p. 274, suggests that the Jewish liturgical year
could have been a month or two in advance, due to the central Jewish authority not
having been able to proclaim the intercalary months during the crisis, and therefore
that the Kislev of the Dedication would be prior to the Kislev of Antiochus's death,
the news of which however would have arrived at Jerusalem much later. This is
unverifiable and even improbable, since the argument, based on the existence of an
authority as presented by the rabbinic tradition, is an anachronism, if it is not
confirmed by other sources; besides, if it is true that many ancient local calendars

Page 213

212 A Search for the Origins of Judaism

behind the origin of the fusion, on the occasion of the sickness and death
of Antiochus, of the setback at Elymais and of God's punishment for the
sins committed against Jerusalem. In this way, Jewish teleology is
respected.

A passage of Meg. Ta'an. (a list in Aramaic offcast days on which fasting and/or
mourning is prohibited) brings a supplementary component to the debate: 'On the
28th Adar [Xanthicus] the good news reached the Judaeans ptmiT1?] that they should
stop turning away ]"nir vbl} from the Torah. No mourning.' This refers to the end
of a persecution of Jews in Judaea, which the accompanying scholim seems to situ-
ate long after the crisis under consideration: 'For the kings of wicked Edom had
decreed a persecution [~JQ2J] against Israel, by forbidding the circumcision of their
sons, the keeping of the Sabbath, and by obliging the practice of idolatry [...];'
liberation was finally due to the action of a certain Juda son of Shamoa who rallied
the people. In Rabbinic literature, Edom was usually the Byzantine Empire, possibly
the Roman Empire first, since the Megila cited was certainly composed before 150
CE. In this case Edom could be a corruption of Aram through an anachronism of a
copyist (D~TN for D~)N). But Aram is Syria, and the three elements of the persecution
and especially its interruption are difficult to situate under Roman domination, while
they correspond particularly well to the measures taken by Antiochus IV, then
revoked thanks to the activity of a man called Juda. Moreover, the date of the good
news agrees completely with the letter cited by 2 Mace. 11.27-33, sent on 15th
Xanthicus (Adar) 148 (164 BCE). Most commentators therefore see a parallel
between the two documents.17 Since it is clearly possible, in following 1 Maccabees,
to date the death of Antiochus after the Dedication of 25th Kislev 148, there is no
difficulty in imagining, at the price of certain clarifications in the calendar, that the
new rights granted by the king would have been accepted by Juda and his people
after their victory and the Dedication. If things were not that way, the necessary
conclusion18 is that this same Juda and his companions had conquered and obtained
the desired concessions before 25th Kislev. The 'good news' only affected Jewish
domestic life and said nothing about the Temple, and we meet up again with the
presentation of 2 Mace. 8.33, in which the victory is celebrated at Jerusalem, with no
date given and no connection with the Temple, before the death of Antiochus and
independently of the insertion of the passage on the purification of the sanctuary on
25th Kislev.

remained in force during the Seleucid monarchy, it is striking that 1 Maccabees
insists unequivocally on the official Seleucid era.

17. H. Lichtenstein, 'Die Fastenrolle: Eine Untersuchung zur jiidisch-
hellenistischen Geschichte', HUCA 8-9 (1931-32), pp. 257-351, with a discussion p.
279.

18. Aside from reattributing the letter of 2 Mace. 11.27-33 to the young
Antiochus V, so after Kislev 148, which is maintained by Goldstein, II Maccabees,
pp. 418-19, at the cost of many complications in the calendar.

Page 424

Index of Authors 423

Tcherikover, V.A. 41, 44, 213, 224,
225, 281

Thackeray, H.St.J. 181
Torrey, C.C. 362
Tov, E. 179, 186, 189
Tuland, C.G. 22

Ulrich, E. 190
Ulrich, E.G. 340
Urbach, E.E. 57, 274, 325, 326

Valentin, E.H. 166
Van Hoonacker, A. 26
Van Seters, J. 168, 176
VanderKam, J.C. 239, 244, 247
Vaux, R. de 19, 26, 29, 31-33, 76, 94,

97, 109, 111, 114, 164, 166, 168-
70, 174, 319, 324, 329, 350, 353

Vermes, G. 55
Vogt, H.C.M. 362

Walter, N. 183
Weber, M. 192
Weinfeld, M. 157

Weisman, Z. 164
Weiss, I.H. 221
Wellhausen, J. 327
Widengren, G. 17, 21, 26, 34, 35, 37,

163
Will,E. 55,256
Williamson, H.G.M. 340, 342, 344,

356, 360, 363, 365, 368-70, 372
Wilms, F.-E. I l l
Wiseman, D.J. 211
Wright, G.E. 124, 169
Wurthwein, E. 156

Xella, P. 95

Yadin, Y. 100
Yahuda, A.S. 195, 196
Yarden, L. 162, 163
Yaron, R. 354
Yeivn.I. 198
Zeitlin, S. 276, 374
Zuntz, G. 181
Zunz, L. 338, 339, 342

Page 425

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